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Burma's Most Wanted By LESLIE HOOK

Posted by arakankovida Monday, February 7, 2011 0 comments

February 2, 2008; Mae Sot, Thailand

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Burma's Most Wanted
font-weight: bold;">By LESLIE HOOK
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justify;"> 'We did not reach final victory. We were defeated in the middle of our struggle," says the young Burmese monk sitting in front of me. "It will be very hard to have another demonstration."

He should know. Ashin Kovida chaired the impromptu committee that organized last year's democracy protests in Rangoon, Burma. The marches, sparked by an economic crisis, brought more than 100,000 people to the streets to demand democracy and the release of political prisoners, including opposition leader and Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. The ensuing crackdown left at least 31 civilians dead, and thousands more beaten or jailed.

The protest leaders -- Mr. Ashin included -- fled for their lives. Exchanging his monks' robes for civilian clothes and a crucifix necklace, Mr. Ashin hid in a shack outside Rangoon for several weeks. After he made it over the border into Mae Sot, Mr. Ashin holed up in a safe house, leaving only to be shuttled to occasional meetings or interviews. Finding a safe venue for our meeting proved a challenge. We agreed I'd wait in my hotel for a phone call from a "friend," who would tell me how to proceed. "There are many different kinds of people at your hotel," Mr. Ashin said. "Maybe not safe."

When our agreed interview time passed, I worried if he'd been snagged by the Burmese spies trawling this town. An hour later, there was a soft knock on my door. When I opened it two men scuttled inside: Mr. Ashin, a skinny 24-year-old in flame-colored robes, and Kyaw Lin, a friend and interpreter. The monk looked horrified when I shook his hand, averting his gaze. It's only afterward that I realized this violated his vows to touch a woman.

Mr. Ashin had no special preparation to become a freedom fighter; if anything, he had a typical, impoverished Burmese childhood. Born in 1983 in a village near Ann, a town in the eastern state of Arakan, he joined a monastery at age 12. His parents were farmers, and they sent him, their second son, to become a monk at the nearest monastery so that he could get an education. He lived there until 2003, then moved to Nan Oo monastery in Rangoon to pursue further monastic studies.

Meanwhile, his country was falling into grave disrepair. Since the junta took power in 1962, the generals have stripped the country for their own personal gain through a combination of brutal oppression, continuing ethnic wars, and a massive standing army of more than 400,000 soldiers. Today it is difficult for most citizens to obtain basic food and clothing. Per capita GDP is around $300, in league with the world's poorest countries.

Political activism in this environment is difficult, at best. But monks in Burma have a tradition of being involved. Their daily alms rounds keep them in touch with citizens' lives, and their vows require them to act for the well-being of their community. In 1988, when students and citizens took to the streets to protest for democracy, the monks marched alongside them. Those demonstrations ended with the massacre of several thousand demonstrators.

But the way he tells it, Mr. Ashin's activism wasn't originally part of a national movement; rather, it evolved from a grass-roots level, organically. After several monks were beaten during a Sept. 5 protest in Pakokku, a city in central Burma, Mr. Ashin and his fellow monks were so outraged that they printed and distributed pamphlets demanding an apology from the government. Mr. Ashin says he spent Sept. 10-13 wandering the streets of Rangoon with a bag full of pamphlets, distributing them to major monasteries.

"We demanded that the government apologize [for what happened in Pakokku]," Mr. Ashin explains. "If there was no apology by Sept. 18, then the monks would take to the streets. On Sept. 18 there was no response. On Sept. 19, my colleagues and I thought we needed an organization to organize the protests and keep them on the right track."

Thus the Sangha (Monks) Representative Committee -- an organization that would soon become the nexus of the demonstrations in Rangoon -- was born. The committee was composed of 15 volunteer monks, aged 24-28, who had met each other during earlier protests in August and September. "Everyone was invited," Mr. Ashin says. "I did not even know the names of the others -- most of them used nicknames for their security."

Mr. Ashin was elected chairman, and the committee agreed to meet every morning at 9 a.m. at the East gate of the Shwedagon Pagoda -- Burma's holiest shrine and the temple from which Aung San Suu Kyi addressed her followers during the protests of 1988. Its purpose?

"The committee was there to control the demonstrations and make sure they were peaceful," he tells me. They wanted "just to help the people, and to show how much people are suffering. The monks did not have any political objectives. We want for people to have a right to fight for power . . . the monks just paved the way for them."

Unlike 1988, the monks had new tools available to help their cause. Cell phones and the Internet played a crucial role in enabling the protests, and in alerting the outside world. All of the recent arrivals I met in Mae Sot, including Mr. Ashin, said they used Gmail chat ("gtalk," they call it) to keep in touch with their friends and family inside Burma. Yahoo! is blocked inside Burma.

To avoid confrontation with the government, the organizing committee asked people not to display any signs or flags other than the "sasana," a Buddhist flag used in religious ceremonies. The committee also had a practical function: to ensure that monks, who gather alms in the morning for food, could forego that duty to walk into the city center and join the marches (some walked for hours to get there). "All classes of people joined together to prepare food," he says, adding that famous Burmese actors and models pitched in, too.

It was a grass-roots political movement from the start. Mr. Ashin says none of his colleagues were members of any political groups. No one on the committee had contact with Ms. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy until the party asked the committee for permission to display its flag, he says.

A few days after the committee formed, representatives from the NLD and some student political groups did ask. And so the yellow phoenix -- a sign of NLD unity during 1988 -- was displayed on the streets of Rangoon once again. The committee also allowed public speeches on Sept. 25.

For the military junta, that was a step too far. That night, the first of a series of brutal midnight raids on monasteries began.

The next morning, only seven of the 15 committee members showed up at their meeting place, Mr. Ashin says. As people came out to march, they found that the military had cordoned off the areas around Shwedagon Pagoda where they usually met. Disjointed groups began to coalesce, and Mr. Ashin said he found himself in the midst of about 300 people surrounded by walls and riot police. The police tried at first to persuade the protesters to let them "take them home" -- which the protesters understood to mean arrest -- and then began forcibly arresting protesters.

Mr. Ashin remembers that as a dark afternoon. He himself received several blows to the stomach before he scaled a wall to safety. "The monks and students started throwing stones at the security forces. There was a violent mood. [People from the committee] tried to convince people to stop and not be violent."

Across the rest of Rangoon similar scenes played out. In some places soldiers opened fire on the demonstrators, and day's end saw dozens dead or wounded.

On Sept. 27, the committee couldn't meet at all. Some people tried to continue the protests, but a massive security presence resulted in further violent clashes. That night, Mr. Ashin took off his robes and went into hiding.

The government didn't forget about him, though. State-run newspapers carried his photograph and labeled him a "fake monk." The junta's English mouthpiece, the New Light of Myanmar, accused him of being responsible for 48 cartridges of TNT found buried near a residence in Rangoon. While he was in hiding in a suburb, police canvassed nearby streets, searching for him.

Contrary to the propaganda the regime conjures up, Mr. Ashin says he was completely unconnected to the Burmese governments-in-exile that has sprung up in Thailand. He left Rangoon without a backup plan, and arrived in Mae Sot with a single phone number of a man he had never met.

Mr. Ashin is clearly devastated by what he perceives as the "failure" and the "defeat" of the protests. But most of his disappointment is directed not at the lackluster efforts of the United Nations -- "people outside seem to forget about Burma," he says -- but at his fellow Burmese.

"If the MPs had been actively involved, then our demonstrations could have changed something," he says. "It is a great loss for our struggle. But they were just watching and waiting." It's also evidence of how well the junta has done its cruel job that the massive street protests did not result in mass defections from the civil service or army, and saw almost no support from politicians in power.

Four months after the demonstrations Burma has largely fallen off of the world's radar screen. The U.S. and the EU were quick to implement tighter economic sanctions on the regime after the protests, but for Burma's major trading partners, it's been business as usual. Neighboring China, Thailand and India were all reluctant to comment on the events inside Burma, and have avoided putting pressure on the regime. The U.N. Security Council issued a statement "strongly deploring" the use of violence.

The situation on the ground in Burma is every bit as dire now as it was in September, and many say it is getting even worse, as fuel and food shortages continue.

Mr. Ashin's group, the Monks' Representative Committee, reorganized in several cities inside Burma earlier this year with 50 new members. They've issued a statement pledging to protest again this month if the government doesn't take action for political reconciliation. But with leaders like Mr. Ashin out of the picture and the junta on the lookout, it's difficult for them even to meet.

Mr. Ashin says he will be relocated to the U.S. soon, where he has been granted political asylum. He wants to continue working to bring change to Burma, but isn't sure how he will do so from a distant shore. Step one will be improving his English, so that he can tell the world what is going on.

Ms. Hook is an editorial page writer for The Wall Street Journal Asia.

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Burmanization or Genocide in Burma

Posted by arakankovida Friday, November 19, 2010 0 comments

By U Kovida
Nov.19.2010

Each group of people has own lovely culture, tradition, language, and belief which we are all interesting to learn. If all people were the same with other, it would not be interesting to another.

In Burma, over 135 different ethnic group of people who are not Burmese. Each ethnic has own languages, tradition and culture which started from many thousand years ago. For instance, mon people, Shan people, Rakhing people histories were living with their own kingdom since 3000 BC, but after he Burmese military took over the country power in 1962, all the ethnic group lost their rights to learn their histories, to contribute their culture, and to public any book about their own opinion on their people.

Also, civil war was started since Burmese people effort to Burmanize to ethnic people who are two third of the country population. Million of Karen people, who are one of the ethnic group in Burma, had to run way form Karen State to Thailand.

Started on November 7, 2010, the Burmese Government being destroy many ancient Pagodas in Ancient City Mrauk-U, which established In 1430 by King Min Saw Mon Mrauk U as the capital of the last unified Arakanese Kingdom. The city eventually reached a size of 120,000 in the mid sixteenth century. The city traded with Portugal, the Netherlands, Ava, Pegu, Arabia, Persia and India. Items traded include rice, cotton, rubies, elephants, slaves, horses, ivory, cowrie and spices.

Now, the Burmese government trying to destroy the culture of all ethnic people in Burma and turning to Burmese.

The Burmese government gave the reason they being destroying that they want to make train-way in Arakan State.

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Veniero’s Pasticceria & Caffee 116 Years of Family Tradition

Posted by arakankovida Wednesday, November 10, 2010 1 comments

Veniero’s Pasticceria & Caffe

116 Years of Family Tradition

BY . ERIN LEVI

THE SUN HAS SET, WITH DUSK YIELDING TO THE RED AND GREEN LIT SIGN OF

VENIERO’S PASTICCERIA & CAFFE – AN ARTDECO ORIGINAL FROM THE 1930’S –

WHICH ILLUMINATES THE SWEET-TOOTHED CROWDS GATHERED ON MANHATTAN’S EAST 11^TH STREET. BUT IT’S NOT QUITE BRIGHT ENOUGH. THREE MEN CLIMB UP THE FIRE ESCAPE ATOP THE BAKERY’S BRICK-RED AWNINGS TO ERECT TEMPORARY LIGHT FIXTURES– WHITE ROUND LANTERNS - JUST NEXT TO THE LANDMARK SIGN. CLAUDIA ATKINSON, A WESTON RESIDENT WHO OWNS VENIERO’S TOGETHER WITH HER THREE SIBLINGS, NERVOUSLY OBSERVES THE OPERATION FROM ACROSS THE STREET, AND SIGNALS TO HER BROTHER ROBERT, WHO IS SPORTING A BLACK HARLEYDAVIDSON SHIRT, TO MAKE SURE THEY’RE CAREFUL. “IF THEY DAMAGE THE SIGN IN ANY WAY, I’M NOT SURE WE’LL BE ABLE TO FIX IT. IT’S SO ANTIQUE.”

Down below, long loaves of bread fill the storefront window: different from the usual display of decadent cakes and treats (a minute selection of what is actually offered inside.) Veniero’s doesn’t even sell bread – it’s a pastry shop! Yet on this night, an episode of “Curb Your Enthusiasm” is being filmed, and Larry David needs to buy a baguette. The store is still open to customers, though. Friday is a busy night, says Claudia, so they didn’t want to close. (Hey, they’re even open on Christmas Day!) “We’re especially popular on weekends since we stay open until one a.m. People wait in line to have their after-dinner drinks and dessert at one of the tables inside the cafe or out on the sidewalk. I wouldn’t be surprised if there’s a marriage proposal this evening, as many couples come here on dates.”

And it is not an exaggeration. Beneath the vintage metal ceilings which add to Veniero’s romantic charm and old-world character, groups of twos, threes and fours flow in, some to sit down and eat, others just to buy goodies to go. Upon swinging through the vanilla-etched glass doors, a woman in a red floral dress gushes to her friend, “This is my favorite dessert place. I’m so excited to show it to you.” They pass the front counter, which is replete with cheesecakes, a variety of “regular” cakes, a vast display of Italian confections, as well as miniature versions of all of the above.

Most of the customers seated back Antonio, who roasted his own coffee beans in the 1920s and '30s, is even credited with introducing espresso to New York.

inside the cafe are oblivious to the filming that is happening in the front room (they’re more concerned with canoodling and their cannoli), while a few who are standing near the entrance stare in awe at Larry David’s signature bald head which keeps popping in and out of the yellow cab directly outside. One lucky couple is even chosen to be extras in the so-called “bread buying scene.”

People have been flocking to Veniero’s ever since 1894, when it opened as a pool emporium. At that time, the neighborhood was a bastion of Eastern European immigrants, compared with today’s trendy scene – which saw a transformation after years of being a gritty punk ‘hood. Antonio Veniero, who emigrated that year from Vico Equense, a small coastal town near Naples in Southern Italy, started serving coffee to the patrons as they waited to take their aim behind the cue stick. This not only added to Veniero’s popularity, but also established it as New York’s first and most prominent coffee bar. Step aside, Starbucks: Antonio, who roasted his own coffee beans in the 1920s and ‘30s, is even credited with introducing espresso to New York.

One can only have so many cups of coffee without a sweet accompaniment, and so Antonio decided to add cake to the menu. He wasn’t even a trained baker, but was so successful at this new-found trade that he shut down the billiards to open a full bakery, for which he won awards: a diploma from Bologna in 1933 in honor of “Antonio Veniero, per i suoi prodotti d’arte dolcaia,” in addition to a special acknowledgment from the 1939 World’s Fair in New York. You can view these accolades yourself as they are framed and hanging on the caf้ walls next to a plaque from the New York Fire Department thanking Veniero’s for its support after 9/11, and a few real works of art: 18th century oil paintings by the Venetian artist Francesco Guardi.

Not that you need a piece of paper to tell you Veniero’s pastries are special. One bite into a moist, creamy Italian cheesecake made with ricotta cheese is proof enough. If that doesn’t sway you, there’s the Torta di Mandorle — a Veniero’s original — made from homemade marzipan baked around a domeshaped yellow cake which is moistened with rum and layered with apricot preserves. And it would be a mafioso crime to miss tasting the tiramisu, cannoli (in all their glorious versions) or strawberry millefoglie - a house specialty that is a light, delicate pastry layer filled with Bavarian cream and topped with pow-dered sugar and strawberries. Not to mention the homemade gelati, sorbetti(made from fresh fruits) and New York’s favorite cheesecake (“We’reway better than Juniors,” beams Claudia.)

Over the last 116 years and counting, Veniero’s has been owned and operated by four generations of family, which is rather uncommon – and special - by today’s standards. After Antonio’s colorful reign (marked by petitions for electricity — he was the first to have it below 14th street; watermelon giveaways — the rind was more valuable than the red flesh as it could be candied and used for cake decoration; and an association with the “blackhand” — a man notorious for setting houses on fire was a friend of Antonio’s and was hired to keep the neighbors from stealing, essentially a modern-day bouncer), ownership went to his entrepreneurial son, Michael, one of six children, which was then passed on to Antonio’s nephew and Claudia’s father, Frank Zerilli. Since Frank’s passing soon after Veniero’s 100th anniversary in 1994, Claudia’s mother ran the business full-time alongside Robert. Claudia and her sister Linda would help part-time, but are more involved now that their mother issadly no longer with them.

In the case of Frank and Antonio’s families, children were never expected to work at the bakery. Instead, education was stressed. Most went off to pursue other careers (like Claudia who became a nurse and Linda who taught at an elementary school), but there was always one who had an interest in the business: for Antonio it was Michael, for Frank it was his son Robert, and for Robert it is his son Frankie.

Claudia, who grew up above the bakery with her parents and three siblings — presumably sharing a very aromatic childhood — remembers her father only joining the family for dinner on holidays such as Christmas and Easter. Every other night of the year, he was at a restaurant — dining as either a first timer or regular (like at Rao’s, where he, as well as Sinatra had tables) in order to build relationships with restaurant owners around the city. That made it easier to establish a wholesale business, which is still very successful today. In the 1980s and ‘90s, Frank physicallyexpanded the business by hiring more bakers (today there are a total of 18 in addition to 32 other employees) as well as by building another room in the caf้ to seat more clients.

Neither Frank nor his predecessors believed in spending money on advertising; their business was lucky enough to grow just by word-of-mouth. Word-of-mouth can travel far these days, even as far as Japan, where Veniero's is surprisingly popular. Who would have imagined there's even

a Japanese comic book about the East Village pasticceria? Claudia Atkinson recounts the first time she heard about her business's strangefound fame abroad: “I was working out at the Weston Racquet Club with Scahyio Furukawa when she told me, 'Claudia, Veniero's was on Japanese TV today. They love it over there. They're so impressed with its longevity, family tradition and success.'”

Customers still come in today remembering stories of Frank, the face of Veniero's for over 50 years, and often described as a very generous person and good motivator (he was known to hand out $20 bills to workers who were doing a good job, which at the time was a lot of money) who occasionally would exhibit characteristics akin to the infamous “soup man” if someone didn't like his pastries.

Though the holiday season can be quite tiring - two-hourlong lines of people wrapped around the block waiting to pick up desserts their grandmothers ordered (Veniero's has become a part of many families' holiday traditions), Claudia especially enjoys working during this time because

it's when she hears the most stories about her father's days of running Veniero's. “Customers will tell us about things we never knew happened because we were never there working,” she says.

More than just a good bakery, “Veniero's is a place of opportunity,” explains Claudia. The establishment is composed of mainly immigrant workers: from a Bangladeshi barista to Turkish and Polish wait staff, a Maltese manager, and Mexican bakers (the head bakers have always been

Italian.) They are all given the chance to make a life here in America and pursue their dreams, from modeling to putting their children through school. The diversity of the staff is also a reflection of the multiculturalism of the neighborhood. “We have our own little U.N. here,” Claudia notes as she scans the room.

In the age of Starbucks and Dunkin' Donuts - fast-food chains and corporate franchises, it is a wonderful anomaly that Veniero's is still alive, well, and family run: a good reason to not curb your enthusiasm, and keep your appetite.

Veniero's Pasticceria & Caff้, 342 E. 11th Street (between 1st and 2nd

Avenue) New York, NY. 212/674-7070 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting 212/674-7070 end_of_the_skype_highlighting. Sunday - Thursday: 7am - midnight;

Friday - Saturday: 7 am - 1 am. www.venierospastry.com

Erin Levi lives and works in New York City where she celebrates

each and every meal with the joy of la gourmandise, never missing

an opportunity to try new food.

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FROM RANGOON TO WESTON

Posted by arakankovida Sunday, November 7, 2010 0 comments

FROM RANGOON TO WESTON
BY ERIN LEVI

THE UNBELIEVABLE TALE OF A BURMESE MONK REFUGEE

“ARE YOU FROM BURMA?” I ASKED A
MONK IN A SAFFRON ROBE STANDING
ALONE NEAR SOME PARKED BICYCLES AND
LIT STREET LAMPS OUTSIDE OF COOPER
UNION IN NEW YORK CITY.

His subtle glances towards me while I attempted to make a phone call suggested he was open to conversation.

“Yes, but now I live California, since March 2008,” he said with an accent. A warm smile crept across his youthful face as his tamarind colored eyes gleamed below a cleanly shaved head. At only about 5’3”, his presence was unexpectedly commanding and serene.

I had just left a big benefit for the International Burmese Monks Organization and victims of Cyclone Nargis. The event was to provide humanitarian assistance to survivors of a community who suffered an estimated 146,000 deaths from this natural disaster as well as commemorate the one-year anniversary of the Saffron Revolution. The Saffron Revolution originated from civilian protests that were sparked by the government’s decision to increase fuel costs. This was not the first time civilians hit the streets out of dissent. However, when a monk in Pakokku was publicly beaten to death by the military, thousands of monks nationwide organized anti-government protests in solidarity with the people. In a piously Buddhist country where monks have remained largely apolitical, this was unprecedented. The Burmese Government’s brutal killings and countless arrests of unarmed monks in the streets shocked its own citizens and placed the country under intense scrutiny and pressure from the International community.

Nevertheless, the repressive military government, which has been running the country (which it renamed Mynamar) since 1988, still refuses to release the 2,100 political prisoners and concede its power to the National League for Democracy, which won the 1990 elections by a landslide. The NLD’s leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was subsequently sentenced to house arrest where she remains today championing her cause for Democracy. One can only hope that Secretary of State Hilary Clinton’s recent visit and Senator Jim Webb’s meeting with Suu Kyi are signs that political pressure is moving the military towards reconciling. However, Burma’s alliance with North Korea – the rogue state that assists the Junta in building a nuclear reactor – is anything but settling.

The majority of the dissident monks present that night was from a Buddhist Monastery in Elmhurst, Queens, so I was surprised to hear that this one resided in California. “Did you come all the way from California just for this event?”

“No,” he corrected me, “I came to meet with the President.”

The President? Which one? I wondered. It was, after all, the week of the U.N. General Assembly.

“President Bush and Laura Bush,” he said.

The President. He was right, at least in a national and grammatical sense. Still a bit skeptical, I asked him, “Really? You met them?

Where?”

“Yes, for lunch on Governor’s Island.”

“When?”

“Today.”

“What was the lunch for?” My curiosity was insatiable.

“We meet to talk about human rights, to talk about Burma,” he explained.

“I see, and how did that go?”

“Very well,” he said, grinning widely. “I think President Bush want to do good things before he dies.”

Before he dies. Why was this monk smiling? Did he have some strange psychic powers or was it just his Buddhist philosophy: the importance of doing good deeds in one’s lifetime? I repeated those three ominous words, adding an overly large and perplexed question mark at the end.

“Yes, before he dies in November.”

Oh, the election! He meant leaving office…“So, how did you learn English?” I asked.

“I teach myself and go to class since six months. I don’t know why I don’t know better, I have so much energy,” he lamented.

The monk then switched topics and asked if he could take a picture with me. I apologized for not having a camera. Little did I expect that he would produce one from beneath his robe. Had Mary Poppins only known about the incredible storage powers of Buddhist robes, she might not have needed to carry a purse at all! Before saying goodbye, the monk wrote down his contact information and name, Ashin (or U) Kovida, so that we could stay in touch. In Burmese, U is a title of respect and Ashin is a title reserved especially for monks.

During our email exchanges that evening, I discovered that Ashin Kovida wasn’t just any monk: he was the so-called “poster monk” of the Saffron Revolution, a key organizer of the protests and the fifth most wanted individual by the Burmese Government. He is even described by some to be the “James Bond” of Burma, escaping the military Junta by hiding for one month in a village outside of Rangoon, the former capital (which the Junta calls Yangon) then surviving a harrowing escape into Thailand to eventually seek asylum in America. In order to do so, he relinquished his sacred robe for an inconspicuous tshirt and crucifix, and bleached his hair that grew out while in hiding.

In one message he sent me, I clicked on links to articles written about him in the New York Times, BBC World, CNN – all recounting his incredible tale – and viewed attached photographs of his meeting with President Bush and the First Lady earlier that day. Amongst the group of officials dressed conservatively in suits, Ashin Kovida’s attire popped. He was the only one in saffron – the only monk to meet with the President. I owed serendipity a thank you note for introducing us.

His public reputation was well deserved. By age 20, Ashin Kovida, who had entered monastic life at 12 years old, became bored of the government- implemented curriculum that forced the monks to study Pali – a literary language which none of them could read or write after years of practice. Instead, his mind became politically focused as he noticed the disparity between the rich government and impoverished people. After learning about the killing of the monk in Pakokku (which is a Buddhist center in Central Burma), Ashin Kovida, at 24 years old, took the initiative to contact the other monasteries in Rangoon and became the chairperson of a committee of 15 who organized the massive protests. Ashin Kovida’s brave defiance of the military junta – fueled by a love for humankind, belief in non-violent change and strong sense of responsibility to be the voice of his powerless compatriots – makes him a hero and moral leader. Yet, when asked if he would ever want to govern his country, he answered, “I do not care about me to be president. I only care about the people. I want to do good for the people.” Selfless, as any politician should be. He added in jest, “But when you become President and live in White House, Erin, please make me advisor, ok?”

And so the unlikely friendship developed between a dissident monk from Burma and a former Westonite living in New York. Thanks to technology, we were able to stay connected and even bond despite the long distance and the initial linguistic challenges. Thanks to his high level of intelligence and extreme diligence at school (always scoring at the top of his class as he did back in Burma), Kovida’s grasp of the English language improved dramatically in little time. Kovida would send me everything from news updates on his former country to music videos of his favorite songs, a poem he had written about a compassionate encounter with a homeless person, as well as photos of his biking trips and bedroom in Oakland. His room seemed clean, simple, peaceful and intellectual, with the biographies and autobiographies of President Obama, the Dalai Lama, Che Guevara, Mahatma Gandhi, and President Lincoln filling his bookshelves adorned with Buddhas and plants. I imagined that Kovida might feel especially aligned with the Dalai Lama, the head of state and spiritual leader of the Tibetan people, who has been living in exile in India since 1959, peacefully fighting for Tibet’s independence from China.

During one of our first phone conversations, I remember Kovida explaining why he felt so lucky to be from Burma and to have experienced what most do not even wish to imagine: “I was lucky because I was born in Burma. I have chance with human rights, to help Burma. If I born in
Europe, experience with books but no experience with self.” Kovida’s main impetus is to bring about positive change in Burma in a peaceful way, and he urges the UN Security Council and the world to take action against the Junta. As a refugee, his messages are now spread via news agencies, public speaking, social media and meetings with politicians.

Over time, we continued to talk about his sleepless nights, his worries about the future of his people back home, and his sadness from the possibility of never seeing his family again, who live without computers and electricity in Arakan, the strategic strip of coastal and mountainous land bordering the Bay of Bengal and Bangladesh. Kovida was granted political asylum because his life was at risk; if he ever returned to Burma, he and his family would most likely be jailed, tortured or killed. He would always end our conversations graciously, thanking me for “being with [him]” – because the fact that there was someone there for him brought him the encouragement he needed to keep going in this strange and foreign land.

Finally the opportunity arose for us to meet again in person. As he would be on the East Coast following a meeting with his Congresswoman, Rep. Barbara Lee, in Washington, DC, I invited him to Weston, where I was headed for the weekend. Since the first time my mom heard about Kovida – tears streaming down her face out of awe and compassion – she had a strong desire to meet him.

Kovida and I met in New York City and took the train together to Westport. Upon arriving, I greeted my mother in a typical fashion: with kisses and embraces. Kovida looked on longingly and said, “Erin, you make me jealous. I have no mother here to hold.” Overflowing with love, my mom instantly invited him into our family. “I’ll be your mom, Kovida, and you can be my son.” I never expected to gain a sibling at the age of 26, but I was pleased it was someone as compassionate and impressive as Kovida.

Over dinner, Kovida spoke about his life and the history of his country. His detailed recollection of historical facts was impressive, considering his knowledge was acquired orally. As a young child, Kovida had no access to books. In order to learn about the past, he would bring tea to all the elders in his village and listen to their stories in exchange.

By morning, I could see that Kovida really was my long lost brother. Shuffling into the living room half asleep, I thought maybe I was still dreaming when I caught the image of my father supine like a beetle with Kovida stretching him in unexpected ways. My father had just come in
from a long bike ride. Kovida said he enjoyed cycling, too, before his road bike was stolen. Kovida had also been mugged twice. It shocked me that he would be given asylum in Oakland, considering the high crime rate. To me, that’s gratuitous hardship. But to Kovida, these are just non-issue obstacles that would never get in the way of him achieving his goals. His resilience was impressive. He once wrote: “Oh! My dearest Erin, life is not easy, but don't be sorry please. I can do how difficult for me in my life. I don't care. I have a dream that I would like to spend doing somethings good for the people happily rest of time of my life [sic].”

Kovida would crack jokes and often break out in song, moving my mother to tears; despite personal tragedy, he was able to embrace the beauty of life. As he entered my family, I began to witness how easily someone from a diverse background could embrace the differences of
a new society and bring laughter and joy to the lives that he encountered. We were saddened when his short visit came to an end, and begged him to come back for longer, which he did.

Kovida’s second visit was even more memorable, marked by a few endearing moments: food-shopping with “Mom” at Trader Joe’s, he asked for one of the yellow balloons and innocently carried it around all day; confused at a coffee shop, he sucked the honey from the top of the squirt bottle instead of squeezing it; and finding himself locked out on our second-
story porch, he managed to get back in the house by climbing over the fence, jumping down from the garage and knocking on the front door.

Kovida seemed to have an abundance of playful energy and loved physical activity, which complimented his contemplative, studious side quite well. He managed to keep up with my road-racing father on a heavy, old hybrid bike, and even shimmied his way up a tree while I was giving him a tour of our backyard (apparently he preferred an aerial view).

Given this, I felt compelled to bring Kovida to Devil’s Den, as it had always proved to be a place of excitement and challenge when I was little. When we arrived, he looked around and said that it reminded him of the town where he was born. He recalled that there was a forest with a creek near his house where he had proudly once caught a fish. Unlike the areas around the Den, his town had no paved roads. The infrastructure in Burma is very minimal – the fault of the government which enriches itself instead of its people with the country’s natural resources, such as teak, rubies, gas, oil, as well as the opium trade.

He removed his shoes, and with precision and incredible balance, nimbly moved from one moss-covered rock to the next, crossing a stream and then scaling a large boulder on the other side. He shouted, “Erin, take off your shoes. Shoes no good. Come join me.” He made his way back in even quicker time. Watching him, I could easily imagine his escape from the Junta. Kovida had the unique ability to size up situations and people very quickly, and manoeuvre himself around obstacles.

On our drive back along Valley Forge Road, my father pointed out the Saugatuck Reservoir. Kovida said, “We have many reservoirs in my county. Military government make many reservoir. But sometimes they break and town and people under water die. It happened in Mandalay. When military make reservoir, they write in newspaper, ‘We build reservoir, it is good for the people.’ When dam breaks, they don’t write in newspaper [sic].” This was just another example of how the military, concerned only with itself, skirted responsibility to care for its people: what a contrast to my fortunate upbringing in Weston. It was no wonder that there had been so much dissent in Burma over the years.

Together on a walk along Lord’s Highway, Kovida asked me, “Erin, why am I here in Weston with you? How am I, from Rangoon, with you, from Weston?” It was a philosophical question. Had fate brought us together for a reason? Or was this just another example of the unpredictability of life? I felt that Kovida leaned towards the former as evidenced by an email he once wrote: “I know that life is full of surprises, we were born in very far away places but the fate give us a chance to meet, to be friends with each other that was very value for me. However, divided by higher mountains, big oceans, rivers and creek, I will always be with you as a best friend [sic].” Whether it was fate or chance, each moment with Kovida was a blessing to me. I felt honoured to know someone as driven as he to change the world and fight for human rights. Somehow, Burma’s future started to look less bleak.

Erin Levi grew up in Weston, CT and currently lives and works in New

York City. She welcomes readers to get in touch with Ashin Kovida by

following him on twitter (@kovidau), friending him on Facebook (Ashin

Kovida, East Bay, CA), or writing to him at kovidau@gmail.com.

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Story from Inside Burma: Ashin Kovida ( Memories Of Movement)

Posted by arakankovida Thursday, November 4, 2010 0 comments

From Burmese Bloggers w/o Borders:

MAE SOT, Thailand: One of the main organizers of the September protest marches in Myanmar, Ashin Kovida, a 24-year-old Buddhist monk, escaped to Thailand last week by carrying a false identification card, dying his hair blond and wearing a crucifix.

On Thursday, Ashin Kovida offered details of his harrowing escape and insights into what has remained a central question about the September protests: Who organized the orderly lines of saffron-robed monks who marched through Yangon – and how.

Ashin Kovida crossed the border to Thailand illegally and said Thursday that he was planning to request refugee status. He is wanted by Myanmar’s military government, which accuses him of storing explosives in his monastery in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. The monk called that accusation absurd.

In a six-hour interview in this border town, he painted a picture of a bare-bones organization, a group of 15 monks in their 20s who organized the September demonstrations. He said he had been elected leader of the group and had been inspired by videos of the popular uprisings in Yugoslavia against the government of Slobodan Milosevic. The group received financial help from three well-known Burmese dissidents – an actor, a comedian and a poet – but did not receive any foreign assistance during their protests, Ashin Kovida said.

Eight of the 15 monks in his organizing committee are missing, he said. The other six, he said, are hiding in Yangon. Known to have been arrested was Thin Thin Khaing, 42, whom he described as his adoptive mother. He said she was taken from her home in the early hours of Oct. 12. Her driver, Phoe Wa, was also detained, and their car impounded, he said.

Thin Thin Khaing has not formally adopted Ashin Kovida but served as his sponsor in the monkhood. Ashin Kovida said he believed that the authorities had detained her to put pressure on him to give himself up. Hlaing Moe Than, 37, a lead organizer of students in the September demonstrations who also fled to Thailand, was shown a picture of Ashin Kovida on Thursday and confirmed the more recent refugee’s identity.
“He is one of the famous leaders among the Buddhist monks during the protests,” Hlaing Moe Than said.

Ashin Kovida led daily protests through Yangon from Sept. 18 through Sept. 27, the day after the authorities began raiding monasteries. One of his main preoccupations, he said, was being able to feed the thousands of monks who had come to Yangon from other regions. He also worried about the presence of what he called “fake monks,” who he suspected had been planted by the military government.

The spark for the demonstrations was warning shots fired by the police at monks on Sept. 5 in the central Burmese city of Pakokku. “The first time I heard the information, I was speechless,” Ashin Kovida said. “It was an unbelievable thing.”
His fellow monks were outraged and looked for ways to respond. They decided to disengage themselves completely from the government, refusing all alms, support and contacts.

Older monks and abbots urged the monks to carry out their protests inside the monasteries, but Ashin Kovida said younger monks had defied those directives thinking that protesting within their cloistered world would not do any good. Ashin Kovida reached out to students he had met during alms collections and began to plan the protest marches through Yangon. “We realized that there was no leadership,” he said. “A train must have a locomotive.” He said he had helped supervise the printing of pamphlets that would be distributed to monasteries, titled: “The monks will come out onto the streets.”

“There were students and young people who were on our side,” Ashin Kovida said. The students made up the pamphlets on their computers, printed them out and made photocopies. “We had to do hundreds of them,” he said. “We delivered to all the monasteries in Rangoon. We tried to distribute to other regions as much as possible.” Yangon is also known as Rangoon.

On Sept. 18, he said, he led the first line of monks through the streets in Yangon.
On Sept. 19, a crowd of about 2,000 protesters, including 500 monks, was sitting on the tiled floor inside the Sule Pagoda when Ashin Kovida stood up and addressed them.
“To continue demonstrations in a peaceful way we must have leadership,” Ashin Kovida remembered saying. “I call on 10 monks to come join me in the front.”

Fifteen monks came forward, he said, the crowd cheering them on.
They formed what they called the Sangga Kosahlal Apahwe, the Monks Representative Group. Ashin Kovida was elected chairman.
Ashin Kovida then addressed the crowd again with a short speech.
“In this country at present we are facing hardships,” Ashin Kovida recalled saying. “People are starving, prices are rising. Under this military government there are so many human rights abuses. I call on people to come to join together with us. We will continue these protests peacefully every day until we win. If there are no human rights there is no value of a human.”

Ashin Kovida said he had led a week of daily protests, meeting with his group of organizers in the mornings and beginning the marches at noon. He heard reports on the Burmese-language service of the BBC about other monks who had organized themselves but he never met those groups.

The demonstrations were peaceful and unhindered until Sept. 26, when the riot police blocked the monks’ path, charged them and dispersed them. “The police pulled the monks’ robes and beat them,” Ashin Kovida remembered. “Nuns were stripped of their sarongs.” Dozens of monks were taken into detention; Ashin Kovida escaped by climbing over a brick wall.

The next day, Sept. 27, as the crackdown intensified, Ashin Kovida said, he changed out of his robes and put on a sarong and short-sleeve shirt. He fled to a small village about 65 kilometers, or 40 miles, outside Yangon and with the help of relatives and friends hid in a small abandoned wooden hut.

He was so afraid of attracting the attention of neighbors that he suppressed his coughs and never left the house, which had no running water. For two weeks he lived in the dark hut, with no way of bathing. He relieved himself using a plastic bucket. Friends occasionally dropped off food.

On Oct. 12, when his adoptive mother was detained, the news was immediately relayed to him. He fled into the night, barefoot. “I ran down a large road,” he said. “Whenever a car came I hid in the bushes.” He reached a friend’s house before dawn, borrowed some clothes and headed back to Yangon, wearing a light-blue baseball cap, reading glasses and a sarong. Friends in Yangon helped him dye his hair, which was growing in, blond. He bought a crucifix in a local market and several days later boarded a bus heading toward the Thai border.

He passed about eight checkpoints – he could not remember exactly how many – on the way to the border. He used a fake identity card, and reached the border town of Myawadi on Oct. 17. The next morning he crossed the Moei River to Thailand in a boat.

Ashin Kovida faces almost certain detention if he returns to Myanmar.
In the Oct. 18 edition of The New Light of Myanmar, the state-run newspaper, he was accused of hiding “48 yellowish high-explosive TNT cartridges” in his monastery.
“They just want to associate the monks with violence and terrorism,” Ashin Kovida said.
“I have been in the monkhood since I was so young,” he said. “My whole life I have been studying only Buddhism and peaceful things.”

He said his father is a carpenter and his mother runs a small market stall selling onion and chilies. Both live in Rakhine State, in northwest Myanmar near the border with Bangladesh. Many in Myanmar will not be able to forgive the government for the crackdown on monks, he said.

“It’s a stain on the history of Burma,” Ashin Kovida said. “Inside Burma now, a lot of students and people are organizing the next step against the SPDC” – the acronym for the military government. “I think it will be the same time as the Olympics in China,” he said, referring to the 2008 Games in Beijing. “That is my own opinion.”

Pornnapa Wongakanit contributed reporting from Mae Sot.

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Study of Muslim infiltration Into Rakhine State

Posted by arakankovida Saturday, June 27, 2009 0 comments

By U Shwe Zan

Introduction

1. The term “Rohingya” is unknown to the people of Rakhine in pre-war days. Because there is no such
indigenous race in Myanmar or particularly in Rakhine. So, the question does not arise to define the
meaning of “Rohingya” as a race.

2. So also, after the exodus of 1992, the minister of Foregin Affairs of state Law and order Restoration
Council Government issued the following statement in the conference of February 92: “Although there
are 135 national races living in Myanmar today, the so called the Rohingya people is not one of them.
Historically, there has never been a Rohinger race in Myanmar. People of Muslim faith from the adjacent
country illegally entered into Myanmar Naingan particular the Rakhine State.” Who ever they might be
the central authority the legal definition is that they are considered only as “alien” or “guest citizens”.

3. But Muslim writers like Ba Tha tried to publicize about Rohingya by writing some make shift stories of
the earlier settlement in Rakhine land as Arabs, Moors and Persians. Those shipwrecked people near
Ramree Island were supposed to be rescued and let them settled around Wethali area in round about AD
788, the founding date of Wethali. Those Muslim writers tried to refer the dating and writings of R.B
Smart, the author of British Gazetteer of Akyab District Gazetteer Vol. (A) 1921, as an authority.

4. We noticed that, AD 788 (8th century) was the date firstly recongnized by Lieutenant General Sir
Arthur P. Phayre, a well known Brain Child of the British administration who published a Historical
Book, entitled “History of Burma”, in which he mentioned and claimed the ascension date of king
Candathuria, founder of 3rd Dhanyawady as 146 AD and ending date of that period as 788 AD which was
also a starting date of Wethali.

5. Generally speaking, we have so far, noted two kinds of Dynastic records
in our Ancient History, especially from the later part of second Dhanyawady up to the end of Wethali.
The first one is the dynastic list mentioned in the Rakhine chronicles and the other is the records inscribed
in the western face of Shitethaung pillar or Ananda Candra Inscription pillar.

6. We have many sound proofs and concrete-supporting evidences about the existence of Wethali
Dynasty mentioned in the inscription pillar of Shitethaung which definitely disapproved the separate
existence of Wethali Dynasty mentioned in Chronicle side. Hence, it is sure and justified to claim that the
two lists of Wethali mentioned in two different sides are not separate ones, but one and the same single
Wethali with a few difference of names which was clearly supported by Theinkan main twon, an eighth
century verse composed by Saw Prai Nyo alias Thuwunna Devi, a poet Queen of Dhamma Candra (a)
Theinga Candra of Wethali.

7. According to Dr. Sircar’s tentative assignment, the starting date of wethali (Table II) is 370 AD which
is only difference of 6 years (starting from later part of 2nd Dhanyawady to our calculation using Vikram
Sambat calendar dates) i.e. Asokan base dating system as 364 AD in chronicle side which is a negligible
figures compared to thousand years of life span. Moreover it is not reasonable and proper to accept the
starting date of Wethali as AD 788 or 8th century and it is also not justifiable to accept two Wethali theory
which will only upset the actually existed Wethali but also spoiled the whole show of the successive
periods of Lemro dynasty.

8. In fact, beginning of Wethali as AD 788 or 8th century is happened because of wrong or miscalculation
of dating by Sir Arthur P. Phayer and other European scholars including R.B smart and Historians. The
comparative statement between Phayer and Rakhine scholars are attached here. Please see annexure (1).
The following is a good example of their mistakes. Dr. Forchhammer, a renowned German Archeaologist,
collected an unreliable kawza dates 150 as founding date of Wethali and he tried to convert this era into
Christian era by adding a conversion factor 638 untimely and creating the result 788 and AD 788 which
they also claimed as ending date of 3rd Dhanyawady and simultaneously became the starting or founding
date of Wethali which is entirely unacceptable and wrong doings of historical recording and dating.

9. Therefore, it is clear to say that the ending date of 3rd Dhanyawady and starting date of Wethali is
definitely in 4th century AD.

10. We understand from Myanmar Encyclopedia or (Swe Sone Kyan) vol. 9 that the date of birth of
Prophet Mohamed was AD 571 (6th century). According to Muslim writers. It seemed to say that Muslim
setters like shipwrecked survivors of Persians, Moors and Arabs arrived to Rakhine Wethali about 200
years ahead of the Mohamed’s birth which is entirely absurdity. It shows that Muslim writers were so
much preoccupied interest to be claimed the Buddhist Rakhine land as a Muslim state.

11. However. As we all know. Rakhine people professed Buddhist since the life time of Guatama Buddha.
Guatama Buddha visited Dhanyawady in 123 Mahar era or BC 517 (Vikram Sambat dating) or BC 544
(Kaliyug dating) i.e. 6th century BC and preached the King Candathuria. The founder of third
Dhanyawady. At the same time, with the consent of Lord Buddha. The King cast a Bronze Image of
Buddha’s exact likeness. Which was popularly known as Mahamuni. (Now rested in Mandalay). In other
sense Rakhine professed Buddhism about 14 centuries ahead of supposed to be Muslim early settlers like.
Professed Buddhism about 14 centuries ahead of supposed to be Muslim early settlers like Persians,
Moors and Arabs to the Rakhine land.

12. Again, A highly delegated Buddhist mission by Emperor Asoka arrived to Rakhine Dhanyawady
during the reign of Thuria Sekka, 6th in the line of Candathuria dynasty in the year between R.E 214-234.
From that time onwards Rakhine people became a strong believers of Htayrawada Buddhism up till now.
Rakhine people began to practice Buddhist civilization and culture by doing noviciating ceremony to
there son and also entering monk hood after attaining the age of maturity since then. By combined effort,
Asokas’s Buddhist mission and King Thuria Sekka built many stuppas, cetias and temples and ordination
halls enshrining with Buddha relics, which were brought by the same mission, throughout length and
breadth of Rakhine land. Kyauk Ro Daw ceti of Thelagiri Hill and U rite Taung ceti were some of the
good examples. Moreover, King Thuria Sekka cast Buddha images with the same stock of noble metals
used by his forefather’s king Candathuria during the casting of Mahamuni. We can worship Sandamuni
Image, cast by Thuria sekka, which is now rested on the precinct of Bandoola Monastery in Mrauk-U.

Migration of Mohammedans before and during Mrauk-U periods.

13. Unlike in India, there were no Mohammedan conquest to Rakhine up to date. But there were some
settlement of Mohammedan we noticed in Rakhine land before and during Mrauk-U periods. Firstly a few
shipwrecked people of Arabs, Moors and Persians were supposed to be settled around Wethali in 8th
century AD.

14. Secondly, during the end of Laungret period, some followers of Jelludin Muhammed Shah (Sultan of
Gaur) who helped king Mon to regain the Rakhine throne (Laungret) in AD 1428. They were in return
allowed to settle around Laungret area.

15. Third occasion we noticed was, after the expedition of Min Ba Gri (AD 1531- 1556) to 12 Bengal
provinces, the king brought back some Muslim prisoners and they were allowed to settle in Mrauk-U
area.

16. Fourth occasion we noticed was. During the reign of Sandathudamma Raza. Shah Shuja, the Governor
of Mogul Bengal, after defeat in the battle between two heirs of Mogul Emperor Aurunzab took refuge in
Mrauk-U, together with his family and folowers in AD 1661. After sometimes in Mrauk-U, Shah Shuja
and followers planned to wage a revolt against Sandathudamma Raza and attempted to capture the
Mrauk-U Palace. In no time the revolt was crushed by Sandathudamma Raza and all the family of the
Shah Shuja were executed. However some of the archers of Shah Shuja were asorbed into the
Sandathudama’s army and allowed them to serve as archers. Most of the followers of Shah Shuja were
dispersed and allowed them to settle in Ramree. Kyauk Ni Maw. Thandwe (Shwe Kyaung byin) and
Thinganet village in present Sittwe Township. Since they belonged to the former Archer groups of Shah
Shuja army they were called Kaman in the Arab language. When time advanced they were later called as
KAMAN.

So much Muslim influence as alleged by Muslim writers and
European and Foreign scholars.

17. Some Muslim writers alleged that since most of the Rakhine Kings were the possessors of Muslim
titles, they were definitely the Muslim rulers and they also issued coins bearing with Persian and Arabic
inscription endorsed with Muslim titles which were supposed to be the evidences of the Muslim influence
in Rakine.

18. It is entirely wrong and false statements made by Muslim writers and Europeans.

19. Mrauk-U which remained the capital of Rakhine for 355 years was founded by King Mong Saw Mon
alias Narameithla in 1430 AD (RE 792).This capital city was housed by 48 kinds during nearly three and
half centuries of glory and power. Kings Thamada (1780-1785) of Mrauk-U dynasty was the last ruler.

20. Among the 10 out of 12 kings of Mrauk-U first period built pagodas. Two kings who did not built
pagodas were king Ba Saw Nyo, son of Mong Khari and king Gazapati, son of Mong Raza 5th and 9th king
of that period who reigned Mrauk-U 2 years each. Again out of nine kings who ruled the 2nd period of
Mrauk-U, except Mong Sanai who ruled only for 20 days, built pagodas. During that 2nd period of Mrauk-
U. 12 Bengal provinces were under the control of Rakhine kings and relation between Rakhine kings and
Mogul kings were friendly in those days.

21. Historically speaking 16th and 17th centuries were the most prosperous tmes of Mrauk-U dynasty.

22. In early days of 16th century, Mong Ba Gri was compelled to 12 Bengal Provinces because there need
to suppress the revolt against Rakhine king by some Muslim elements. However, Humayun the 2nd Mogul
king, son of the 1st Mogul ruler Babur cordially welcome Mong Ba Gri and he offered his daughter
Pensital and honored the Rakhine King Mong Ba Gri with Muslim title Zapun Shah (Some said Zaw
Bauk Shah). Moreover they made a border agreement between Rakhine and Mogul. In this way Mong Ba
Gri’s Successors Mong Phaloung, Mong Raza Gri and Mong Kha Mong were also similarly honored by
successive Mogul kings with respective Muslim titles as Sicanda Shah, Selimn Shah and Hussein Shah.

23. Mogul kings honored those titles to the Buddhist Rakhine king as a token of friendship but not as a
religious influences as wrought by the said Muslim writers and European Scholars.

24. All the rest of the kings belonging to Mrauk-U. Third Period were Buddhist kings, but only 22nd king
Narapadigri, 24th king Sanda Thudamma Raza, Ogabala, 25th king and 41st king Nara Abbaya Raza built
Pagodas. The rest of the kings belonging to third periods were weaker kings and moreover it was a
declining days of Rakhine.

Rakhine under Burmese rule

25.Rakhine lost her sovereignty in the year AD 1785. During the Burmese rule Rakhine State was divided
into to parts and each part was ruled by an each Burmese Governor. During the 4 Governors rule, people
hesitate to pay high taxes and some dissatisfied people tried to revolt against the rulers. About 9 times of
revolts were noticed and in that such unsettled period, many people of Rakhine managed to escape from
their native land and most of the people intended to settle in British India especially in East Bengal and
Cittagong Hill tracts, In this circumstances British authority constructed some new towns namely
Awagyun and Cox’s Bazaar and let the Rakhine evacuees to settle in this new places. After 40 years of
Burmese Rule., First Anglo Burmese war broke out. Burmese lost the war after two years of battle. In
accordance with the Rantapo treaty, Rakhine and Tanin Thayi were annexed by British in 1826 AD. A
new town of Sittwe was constructed in 1827 AD and became a new Head Quarter of Rakhine Division.

26. Many Rakhine, who took refuge in India, began to return to their homeland immediately after the
annexation. Most of them began to settle in Sttwe, Kyaukpyu and Thandwe and some people managed to
settle in their original native places. The population of Rakhine state by that time was only hundred
thousands.

Rakhine under British rule
Infiltration of Bengali Muslims

27. The main objective of the British Capitalists were to exploit their utmost the resources of Rakhine
land. Commercial trading of agricultural products were also their aim. Due to the scarcity of agricultural
labourers, British trading companies tried to recruit the general labourers from Chitagong during the
ploughing and harvesting seasons.

28. After the opening of Suez Canal in 1869 AD, rice trading was very much popular because of attractive
prices. In these circumstances, British companies tried to expand the paddy growing agriculture as much
as possible, they recruited more seasonal laborers from Chittagong and an open door policy was existed.
At first, most of the seasonal laborers returned to their country, after the closing seasons. But later on
many of the seasonal laborers failed to return to Chittagong and they started settlement in Rakhine
especially in Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathedaung and Sittwe Townships.

29. In the later part of 19th century (1874 AD), British Rulers chartered about 42 land grants to the virgin
lands of Rakhine, out of which 15 were granted in Maungdaw Township and 9 in Buthidaung Township.
One of the condition out lined in the charter was, the holders of these land grants should be persons who
lived outside the chartered area. That was also one of the reasons why Bengali Muslim population became
stronger in these areas.

30. British authority tried to enact new labor laws but it effected not much because British companies
began to use the tender system in recruiting seasonal laborers indirectly thought the brokers. By that way
the infiltration of Bengali Muslimnever stooped. About 15000 of Bengali Muslim migrated yearly in to
Rakhine land were observed. For easy transportation of those Bengali laborers British Authority allowed t
open some British Navigation emptiness companies in 1880. The two famous Navigation companies were
British India stem Navigation Company and Asiatic Steam Navigation Company. In order to expedite the
carrying of the Chittaonian laborers, those navigation companies were subsidized by the British
authorities so as to carry with cheap rate to the said laborers. British Authorities also opened a railroad
between Buthidaung and Maungdaw that means in order to get easy communication between Naaf and
Mayu rivers.

31. If we analyze the incoming and returning of the Bengali population during 1980 and 1984. We can
observe the following dates—

syear(a)-------No. of Bengali in coming to Rakhine (b)----------No. of Settlers (c)

1. 1880-81---------40000--------------------------------------------18000
2. 1883-84---------83000 -------------------------------------------43000
3. 1927 ------------40000-------------------------------------------35000

32. The Bengali Muslim settlers started their livelihood in Rakhine as petty brokers. Crew members of
small launchers, canoe peddlers, and agriculture laborers. Small agriculturist etc.

33. Due to the ‘open door’ policy of British Colonialists, the population of Sittwe District increasing
rapidly year by in between 1832 to 1911. The following are the statistics of Sittwe District population: -

Year (a)

Populations

109645
130034
201677
227231
276617
359706
466305
481666
527943

34. Among the population of Sittwe District, the population density of Maungdaw townships was the
highest. Average increasing rate of township werew 21% and density of Maungdaw was 130 per square
mile. It was so happened because Maugdaw Township was lying quite close to the Chittagong District
where majority people living their Mohammedam population.

35. The following are the statistics shown by religion in the years of 1872, 1901 and 1911.

Religion-----------------1872 ----------1901 ----------------1911
Hindu-------------------2655 ----------14455 ---------------14454
Mohammedan-----------28255 ---------154837 --------------178647
Rakhine Buddhist--------171612 --------239649 --------------209432
Hill dwellers-------------38577 ---------35482----------------34020

36. The rapid increasing of Mohammedan population was happened because of the open door policy of
British India, where Rakhine was included under their rule.

37. In 1935, although Burma was separated from India, she still remained in the British Empire and
infiltration of Bengali Muslims were still going strong. Many Bengali Muslim were absorbed in the
Government services from peon to the Head of office. We could find many Bengali Muslims in nongovernment
jobs and also found in many other well income trading and industrials organization too.

38. When Japanese advanced to Myanmar in 1942, most of the Indians, who settled in our country, started
to evacuate to their country of origin India by two routes. One was Pyay-Taungoke route and the other
was via Mon Ywa-Kalewa route. The estimated amount of evacuees were about 4 hundred thousands.

39. According to 1942 census, the populations of Bengali Muslims were 124452. When we add the
Muslims evacuees from Burma proper, it accumulated to a considerable amount of the original Muslim
population in that area. As a result, Muslim Population became strong hold in Buthidaung and Maungdow
area.

40. In this tense situation, British administrations were deteriorated day by day. In such condition, the
communal riots broke out between unsatisfied Rakhine and Kala (Bengali Muslims). Aggressive Muslims
started to flame and distracted the many villages belonging to Rakhine in Buthidaung and Maungdaw
Township. Many Rakhine villages were taken over by Muslim populations and they settled there during
the 2nd world war. In 1941 there were left the 2nd world war.

41. After all, Muslim population became majority in Buthidaung and Maungdaw Township after the 2nd
World war. In this circumstances Muslims started to demand separate Muslim State and simultaneously,
underground movements of “Mujahids”began in 1947.

42. At the same time, armed Mujahid insurgents started to flame and destroyed rest of the Rakhine
villages. The Rakhines were drove out from their native villages and they took over those villages where
they tried to substitute with Bengali Muslims in place of Rakhines. That was the unlawful way of action
done by Mujahid insurgents in those areas.

43. As a result Rakhine population became minority and only a handful of Rakhine villages can be see in
Buthidaung and Maungdaw area.

44. During the 120years of British rule (i.e. between 1827 and 1947) British adopted the divide and rule
policy as well as open door policy and also encouraged the Chittagongnians to enter freely into the
Rakhine land especially in Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships. As a result the population increased to
100% in 20 years. That means the population recorded on 1921 census was 60480 where as in 1941
census, the population came up to 124452.
{Of course, these are the bad legacy of British Colonialism.}

Rakhine Division after independence

45. In 1954, AFPFL government suppressed the Mujahids insurgency and Mujahids were compelled to
surrender in the same year. Their leader Kasim was escaped to East Pakistan and later he was captured
and imprisoned by the East Pakistan authority.

46. As Muslim problems in Rakhine were gradually cropped up the became grave the serious Rakhine
nationals formed a new political organization in the name of “Arakan National Unity Organization”
(ANUO) and stood in the election against AFPFL. In this situation in order to won in the
parliamentary elections some unfaithful AFPFL organizers, organized the Muslim people by some
illegal means. They tried to encourage the Bengali Muslim illegal entry from East Pakistan and
even supported them to become a citizen of Myanmar. In this way Muslim population became
accumulated also. As mentioned above, the Bengali Muslim population in 1941 was 124452 became
187792 in 1956. That means the total increase of those populations in 15 years we noticed was 50%.

47. Since infiltration of Bengali Muslim came from bad to worse and situation became grave and serious
ANUO members made a resolution in 1959 conference to deter the illegal immigrants effective as
immediate as possible.

48. At this time political situation in Myanmar became tense and major political league AFPFL split up
into factions as “orginal AFPFL” and clean AFPFL, 17 parliamentary members of ANUO and Muslim
parliamentary members of Buthidaung and Maungdaw sided to clean AFPFL faction in parliament and
new clean AFPFL government was declared.

49. U Nu and clean AFPFL leaders accepted the “Rohingya” as one of the indigenous races of Rakhine
and they were even allowed to broadcast their voice in BBS programmed in mix language. In 1960, the
Muslim community of Buthidaung and Maungdaw began to organize a political front called “Rohinger
political front”. Heir mandates were the right of free worship, the right of free traveling through out,
Rakhine and Myanmar, the right of free settlement in Rakhine and Myanmar and to stop the suppression
and torturous activities upon them.

50.In such moment Muslim writers like Ba Tha wrote about the existence of Rohingers with make-shift
stories. Ba Tha defined the world Rohingya as one of the indigenous races of Rakhine. They were the
descendents of shipwrecked people of Persians, Moors and Arabs who settle around about AD 788 which
was said to be the founding date of Wethali as recorded by R.B.Smart, the author of Akyab District
Gazetteer (vol.A) published in 1921. Those shipwrecked people intermixed with natives became the
origin of Rohinger was his make-shirt story. He also called the combined descendents of the followers of
Jalludin Muhammed Shah in King Mong Saw Mon period, followers of Shah Shuja in Sandathudamma
Raza period and descendents of early Muslim settlers in Buthidaung and Maungdaw as Rohingyas. He
also alleged the Mrauk-U kings who possessed Muslim titles as Muslim Rulers in Rakhine (already
explained about this matter). In fact almost all of the 48 kings of Mrauk-U were Rakhine Buddhissts as
explained above. So also, the reasons of issuing coins inscribed with Persians and Arabic language was
also explained already.

51. We have many magnificent monuments and pagodas as the massive Shitethaung, the colossal
Htukkant Thein, richly decorated central pillar of Anndaw Thein. Auspicious Leymyathna pagoda,
colored plaque Laungbwan-brauk pagoda, conical structures of victory pagodas like Ratana Manaung,
Maungala Manaung, Sekkya Manaung and Loka Manaung and countless other are the evidenced of
Mrauk-U rich heritage. If Mrauk-U was ruled by Muslim kings as alleged by Ba Tha, the Muslim writer,
we cannot hardly be witnessed those kinds of Buddhist structures today because in India, when Muslim
conquest was occurred in Buddhist and Hindu land of India, Muslim conquerors drastically took action
against them and tried to wipeout the Buddhism and Hinduism by means of destroying the Buddhist
structures as well as Hindu structures and they daringly massacred the Buddhist and Hindu monks and at
the same time Buddhist and Hindu believers were forced to convert into Mohammedan religion was the
usual practice of the Muslim conquerors. (Even today Talibans of Afghanistan destroyed almost all of the
Buddhist heritages of Buddha Images and structures in Afghanistan is the good example of their
practiced).

52. If Mrauk-U was ruled by Muslim rulers, the same fate would be happened undoubtedly. But even
today the heritages of Buddhist monuments are still intact in Mrauk-U. Therefore, we can surly say that
Mrauk-U was never ruled by Muslim Rulers and it also shows that Ba Tha’s writings are merely false and
make-shift stories which only lead to arouse the political instigation’s to Muslim communities.

53. Afterwards, illegal movements of Muslim organization were appeared under the name of Rohingya
Solidarity Organization (R.S.O), Arakan Islamic Front (AR.I.F), Rohinger Patriotic Front (R.P.F),
Rohingya Liberation Organizations (R.L.C) and Ithedal Mazahadin of Arakan (I.M.A).

Rakhine Division during Revolutionary Council period

54. During the Revolutionary Council period, government authorities had made a necessary plan to take
action against the illegal immigrants. Moreover one of the important steps taken by Revolutionary
Council was that Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships became a special District of frontier areas. The
following operations were carried out by immigration department personals in RAkhine Divisions. They
are:
Kyeekan operation
Shwekyee operation and
Sa Bai operation

Rakhine state during the period of successive peoples’ councils.
55. Under the guidance of Commander of Western Command. Rakhine State Socialist programmed Party
and Rakhine State Peoples’ Council, a major operation was carried out by a strong force of Immigration
personals in Sittwe Township and Maundaw Frontier District. The main objective was to check up in
detail of illegal immigrantss and took necessary action according to the Immigration laws. The operation
was nemed as “King Dragon operation” That operation was carried out in full swing in February 1978,
particularly in Sittwe, Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships. Unlike the former operation. Detail
checking were carried out in ward-by-ward and village-by-village basis. Similar Muslim dwellers were
very much afraid to face the checking, many of the Muslims, in order to avoid the immigration personals
and their checking, started to flee to the neighboring country not from the said township but many guilty
conscious Muslims also from other township like, Rathedaung, Pauktaw. Mrauk-U and Minbya. The
following are the records that evade the immigration checking and fled to the Bangladesh.

S.N. --Townships ------------Escaped Muslim populations -------No. of households

1. -----Buthidaung ---------35546 --------------------------------6294
2. -----Maungdaw ----------85705 -------------------------------12522
3. -----Sittwe
။------Rathedaung
။-------Pauktaw ------------156630-------------------------------2595
။-------Kyauktaw
။-------Mrauk-U
။-------Minbya
Total-----------------------277931------------------------------ 21411

56. In honor to express the good will between two neighboring countries Myanmar and Bangladesh,
Revolutionary Government of Myanmar accepted the repatriation programme of Bengali Muslim
refugees by means of a special operation project “Hintha” The following are the details of refugees
forwarded by Bangladesh authorities to Myanmer Government:

57.
Type of proposed returnees------ --No. of household-------Proposed figure to be repatriated

(a) Holders of identity cards and
Dependents--------------------------21351----------------129480
(b) Holder of certain kind of
documentary evidence and
dependents---------------------------3091------------------15772

(c) without documentary evidence
and dependents----------------------4617------------------18718
Total --------------------------------29059 ----------------163950

58. But in accordance with the Hintha project, the number of Households and actual repatriated
figures were 31508 and 186986. The difference we observed between the two lists mentioned above
were (+) 2449 Household and (+) 23036 persons.

59. After the completion of Hintha project. The population of Muslims we noticed are as follows.
In 1977-78 the Bengali Muslim population were 222860, where as in 1981-82 populations of Bengali
Muslims became 243867 and increased Bengali population we observed within 4 years were 21007 which
clearly shows that there were still infiltration of illegal immigrants in Maungdaw Township.

60. We have come across in Myanmar History that existing Pyu race during the Tharekhittara period
disappeared or faded out under the growing population of Bamar and other races starting from Bagan
period and onwards. In the same way, early Muslim settlers before and during Mrauk-U periods extinct
today under the Bengali Muslim who infiltrated from the adjacent country Bangladesh starting from
British colonial days up to the present day.
61. Therefore, it is totally unjustified to consider the idea of their demand as Muslim state because those
Muslims who lived in Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Sittwe and in other township can only be considered as
“aliens”.

U Shwe Zan
References

References
(1) Junior History of India by Banerji
(2) Burma gazetteer by Mr. R. B. Smart Akyab District, Vol A
(3) Burma gazetteer by S. Grantham Akyab District Vol. B-No. 1
(4) Burma gazetteer by W.B Tydd Sandoway District, Vol. A
(5) An Introduction to the political economy of Burma by J. S. Funivall
(6) Roewangyas in Arakan by Ba Tha, Article in "The Guardian", May 1960
(7) Phamphlets of (a) Rohingya Patriotic Front
(b) Rohingya Solidarity Organization
(8) The Indian Constitution- Asurvey- by S. K. Lahiri & B. N. Banergee
(9) The British Common Wealth- the Development of its Laws & Constitution Pakistan- by Alan Gled
Hill
(10) World Constitutions- full view at a glance- By S. L. Laeley
(11) The Registration of oreigners Act.
(12) History of Burma- by Lieutanant General Sir Arthur P.Phayre (1883)
(13) The golden Mrauk-U, An ancient capital of Rakhine- U Shwe Zan
(14) Some Jurifications about Wethali, a single Rakhine Dynasty existing between Fourth and Ninth
Century by U Shwe Zan
(15) The Arakani governors and their coins by Vasant Chowdhury (Calcutta)
(16) Some interesting coins of Anauk Barung and Sitagaung mong by Aung Zan-
(17) "Review of the most ancient Rakhine" 1966 by U Shwe Nyo Tin (ICS Retd.)